Sunday, August 30, 2015

Duffy's a lemon

Rex Murphy: Duffy’s a lemon: What are we to do about the economy?

Former Conservative Senator Mike Duffy
THE CANADIAN PRESS/Justin TangFormer Conservative Senator Mike Duffy

The Duffy lemon has been thoroughly squeezed and the pips have squeaked their last. It’s been in the media blender so long — 45 days of trial, months and months of saturation media coverage — that there’s now not even a scent, a mist, of juice left. The pulp has been utterly mashed, even the peel riven to its constituent atoms. When the trial does resume in November it will offer more reminiscence than revelation. This lemon is done.
Of what can really be said of this whole exertion I can offer little beyond tautology. What damage it has done, it has done. But to get the political measure of that damage we must await the rest of the campaign.
This long prologue will have exerted some influence on many voters, that influence contingent on partisanship in some cases, on anger in others. Some have found the great tale of Mr. Duffy’s unconquerable neediness, his zeal to siphon every possible expense that the loosest understanding of either ethics or practice gave him dubious cover to claim, has brought them to a higher anger over politics and especially the Senate than they could earlier have imagined.
Image will account for the rest. The Harper people’s scurry around the Duffy affair, their attempt to prod the reluctant senator into doing what they saw as the right thing, and co-incidentally what was of most advantage to them, has elevated the affair to symbolic significance. In consultantspeak Duffyiana has coloured the “brand.” That’s most likely where the damage has been done.
What are your plans for Canada, the whole of it, leaders? That’s where we should start now. The Senate’s not going anywhere.
That said, perhaps the trial suspension is a cue that it’s time for the caravan to wake the camels and leave the oasis. There are more things in a national election than are dreamt of in the Michael Duffy affair. For example, we had the bruising moments of early this week when the world’s stock markets suffered a fearful syncope, a whiff of panic striking the heart of millions of businesses and investors all over the world. That shock will be with us a while, and is a reminder that while the Duffy trial was flavoured with many delightful glimpses into “the way things work” and sated our innate thirst for high range gossip, these petty delectables do not and can not make up the substance of a national campaign.
The stock shock brought home that the world is still in a parlous economic situation, that there are forces outside our country than can and do have serious impact on our wellbeing. How the country should conduct itself in these times seems an obvious question that should be receiving far more attention from the leaders, the parties and the press than it has. Then there is the ground-rocketing fall of oil prices, which has left the oil industry in Canada shaking and – something that does not get sufficient highlighting – put in jeopardy the jobs of thousands of Canadians from every province and territory.
The brakes are on. The oil fields are no longer the magnet for employment they have so gloriously been for the past decade or more. Here and abroad, Canadians who have been working in that sector are finding themselves at home, idle, for the first time in a decade. The industry, however unpalatable this is to those who see it as the trip wire to a Green apocalypse, has been a shield for the Canadian economy, a stimulus and a draw to our technological enterprises; it has underwritten tens and hundreds of university disciplines — engineering is the most obvious — and supplied their graduates with employment, giving them the means to rid themselves of the massive debt that now is an almost inescapable concomitant of any post-secondary education.
What’s to fill that great gap? What Nigel Wright knew and when he knew it will not answer that question. Nor will any Jesuitical parsing of the definition of “primary residence.” How many projects that were to begin have been cancelled? How many that were begun have been scaled back or taken out of production? What will be the impact on the Employment Insurance fund? Does the eternal debate on whether to build pipelines now have a different urgency from the days when oil was high and jobs were plentiful?

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I think the abeyance of Duffy should mean the beginning of the real campaign – an address by all three leaders on the difficulties the country is in, and can reasonably anticipate it will be in, given the world’s current economic precariousness. This will not have the savour of the cross-examination of the assistant aide to the chief of staff, or another recounting of how much it costs to fly from PEI even when you’re not there to begin with, but it will have more consequence for the nation’s future.
What are your plans for Canada, the whole of it, leaders? That’s where we should start now. The Senate’s not going anywhere – on those days we need the political equivalent of a good beach-read it will always be there.
National Post

Tuesday, August 25, 2015

Tony Burman Spews out a load of crap.

Why Harper (and friends) are a bigger threat than IS: Burman

Conservatives PMs Stephen Harper, Tony Abbott and David Cameron parrot the same message — selling fear to win votes.

Brothers in arms: Like-minded prime inisters Stephen Harper, right, and David Cameron are seen outside 10 Downing Street in London in 2010.
Adrian Wyld / THE CANADIAN PRESS
Brothers in arms: Like-minded prime inisters Stephen Harper, right, and David Cameron are seen outside 10 Downing Street in London in 2010.
The comedian Peter Sellers acting in the role of Inspector Clouseau has always been one of my investigative heroes. So, using Clouseau-like sleuthing skills, I think I have finally figured out what Stephen Harper must have meant in the recent Canadian election debate when he warned of an “international movement” presenting “a very serious menace to this planet, including to this country.”
I respectfully submit the following as evidence:
With the next three statements, made in recent days by separate individuals in three different countries, I ask you this question: What is the common thread?
  • “It would be absolutely foolish for us not to go after this group before they come after us.”
  • “This is the threat of our generation, the battle of our generation and the fight that we’re going to have.”
  • “They’re coming after us. We may not feel we are at war with them, but they are certainly at war with us.”
  • (Drum roll, please …)
    And the answer is … conservative prime ministers!
    These were words uttered recently by 1) Stephen Harper, Canada; 2) David Cameron, United Kingdom; and 3) Tony Abbott, Australia.
    Their similarities are revealing. What links these three leaders, apart from their common ideology, is a remarkably identical — and extreme — approach to the challenges of today’s Middle East. In fact, there are growing signs that these politicians, all comrades in arms, are quietly working from the same playbook.
    After all, the formula is simple: Wildly exaggerate the actual threat. Inflame the rhetoric. Blame Muslims. Brush aside issues of human rights. And strap in — while the votes flow your way. It is a clever way to distract voters from more immediate and genuine threats, such as climate change and the economy.
    In my view, if this doesn’t fit the criteria of an “international movement” posing “a very serious menace to this planet,” I don’t know what does.
    It is true this isn’t what these leaders actually had in mind. In the Aug. 6 election debate, Harper, for example, talked of a “violent, jihadist movement that … is a threat to the entire region and a threat to the entire globe.”
    In a major speech last month, Cameron identified “Islamist extremist terrorism” as a “threat to our way of life and to peace and stability in our own country.” He went on to offend British Muslims by suggesting that too many of them supported the “jihadists.”
    Abbott, who describes fellow conservative Stephen Harper as his “mentor,” went even further with remarks in late June: “The death cult is regularly admonishing its supporters and sympathizers around the world to kill.”
    Not surprisingly, all three countries have enacted similar laws to curtail freedom of movement and speech, redefine citizenship and dramatically increase police surveillance powers. This is not unlike what happened after the 9/11 terrorist attacks in 2001 when governments worldwide exploited these attacks to turn the screws on their political opponents.
    It was actually an Australian law that inspired Harper’s claim this week that Canadians have no right to travel to regions of the world controlled by terrorist groups. If re-elected, he promised to crack down on what he called “terror tourism.” But this idea was widely condemned by opposition groups and refugee organizations.
    It serves the interests of political leaders — such as Harper, Cameron and Abbott — to stoke fears about the “Islamist threat.” It allows them to evade more genuine challenges to their leadership. And, too often, their nation’s news media serve as an uncritical echo chamber for their claims.
    But a global survey published last month by the Pew Research Center in the United States provides an important perspective. While people in Canada, the United States, Western Europe and Australia regard the so-called Islamic State as the issue that most concerns them, countries in the developing world — such as Latin America, Africa, Asia — regard climate change as the greatest threat.
    Even in Turkey, where the terrorist group is found in neighbouring Syria, more people regard climate change as a greater threat than the Islamic State.
    This shows what we, sadly, already know to be true. The politics of fear often works, and political parties know that. As voters in Canada, we should remember that when we go to the polls on Oct. 19.
    Inspector Clouseau will be watching.
    Tony Burman, former head of CBC News and Al Jazeera English, teaches journalism at Ryerson University. Reach him @TonyBurman or at tony.burman@gmail.com .

    Monday, August 17, 2015

    NDP ARE NOT FREE TRADERS

    JEFFREY SIMPSON

    The NDP fails its free-trade litmus test Add to ...

    At least the New Democrats are consistent, even if it’s consistently wrong.
    As soon as the first reports about a Canada-European Union free-trade and investment deal were published – and before details were fully known – the NDP leaped to condemn the agreement.
    That kept the party’s perfect record intact: The NDP has never supported a free-trade deal. Rhetorically, the New Democrats always says they favour “freer” trade, whatever that means, but they always find some reason to oppose free trade.
    There were some hints in recent months that they might be thinking about modernizing their knee-jerk opposition to free trade. After all, the EU agreement could hardly be opposed on the basis of some of the NDP’s usual objections: lack of proper labour and environmental standards in the trade-partner country or countries.
    The European Union has high labour standards and a record for fighting greenhouse gas emissions that the NDP often cites as a model for Canada. In addition, EU countries are democracies with industrial economies, strong respect for human rights and high standards of living by world standards. Socialist or social democratic parties have formed governments in some major European countries, including Sweden, Finland, Germany, Britain, France and Spain. So the NDP couldn’t complain about these aspects of partnering with the EU.
    Deprived of the traditional arguments, NDP Leader Thomas Mulcair settled for Canadian dairy producers being sold out. Why? Because the Europeans will get to increase their quota of cheese exports to Canada.
    Let’s get serious, please. The dairy farmers will still be protected by stratospheric tariffs. Even after the expanded European quota for cheese, domestic producers will have the lion’s share of the protected Canadian market all for themselves. They will still be charging consumers excessively high prices for milk and its byproducts.
    But because the NDP fundamentally doesn’t like free trade, and because it unexpectedly won a bunch of seats in rural Quebec in the most recent election, the party will die on the free-trade hill to fight for continued and unaltered protection for dairy farmers. No thought will apparently be given to the food-processing industry (some of which is unionized), which dislikes supply management because it drives up important input costs for its products.
    Nor will the NDP think of consumers, especially low-income ones, who spend more of their income on food and are hit with unnecessarily higher prices for basic commodities, including dairy products. Nor will the NDP applaud greater market access for Canadian beef and pork to the EU market, because it has no seats in rural Western Canada.
    This automatic opposition to free trade goes way back in the NDP and runs very deep. It bespeaks a philosophical distrust of free-market economics and globalized trade, and a desire to see trade “managed” by governments. It also reflects a strong dislike of anything fettering government’s ability to interfere in markets.
    The notion that freeing up purchasing might help Canadian companies win contracts in Europe – as Bombardier did with the Paris Métro – doesn’t strike New Democrats as a fair trade-off for losing Canadian government ability to steer contracts wherever desired. It is, in short, a very dirigiste model of running an economy, of the kind that even most social democratic parties in Europe have abandoned.
    This Canada-EU agreement, which Stephen Harper’s Conservatives methodically pursued and deserve credit for achieving, was a litmus test for whether the NDP had really searched within itself and emerged with a more global vision for the Canadian economy. The NDP flunked the test.
    The world has changed; the global economy has changed; the rules of world trade have changed. But the NDP has not. This could have been – should have been – a major intellectual turning point for the party. Instead, it remains wedded to the past, justifying its embrace by the defence of dairy farmers who are protected as no other industry in Canada, and will remain so even after this agreement enters into force.
    Clarification: The NDP will wait until the full text of CETA (the Comprehensive Economic Trade Agreement) is released "to determine if the deal is, on balance, a good deal for Canada." This information was not included in earlier online editions or the original print column published Saturday due to production deadlines